No Nudge Required

>> Tuesday, August 31, 2010

Going through a small backlog of HBL installments yesterday, I found a John Stossel piece that makes explicit a point I didn't quite make in Friday's post. There, I merely noted that the post-Katrina school system in New Orleans probably has valuable lessons to teach advocates of capitalism. I'll borrow Stossel's wording to summarize that lesson:

Contracting out to private enterprise isn't the same thing as letting fully competitive free markets operate, but it still works better than government.
This is a mouthful, but saying it avoids the pitfall I noted long ago of misapplying the label "privatization" to such situations. He even discusses the same example I once did -- Indiana's privately operated toll roads.

The Stossel piece is also noteworthy for providing more evidence of the practicality of privatizing roads, including the fact that such roads would be safer for a variety of reasons. One that surprised even me was that, in some cases, this could be the result of less signage and fewer of the safety features that governments now indiscriminately add to roads:
It's Friedrich Hayek's "spontaneous" order in action: Instead of sitting at a mechanized light waiting to be told when to go, drivers meet in an intersection and negotiate their way through by making eye contact and gesturing. The secret is that drivers must pay attention to their surroundings -- to pedestrians and other cars -- rather than just to signs and signals. It demonstrates the "Peltzman Effect" (named after retired University of Chicago economist Sam Peltzman): People tend to behave more recklessly when their sense of safety is increased. By removing signs, lights and barriers, drivers feel less safe, so they drive more carefully. They pay more attention.
Stossel cites two examples of exactly this occurring where it was tried in Europe. Of course, there are also cases of safety features that take advantage of quirks in human perception that are known to work. Private companies would be free to implement them, of course -- but they would, thanks to the profit motive, be more attuned to whether a given measure (or none at all) is what a given situation calls for.

Contra libertarian paternalists like Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein, there is no role for government trickery in achieving public safety. The promise of greater profits and the desire to remain alive will "nudge" companies and individuals in such a direction, and the almost-forgotten practice of taking charge of one's own welfare will make both good at it.

-- CAV

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Not an "Ideas Man"

>> Monday, August 30, 2010

A commenter on the YouTube video embedded below calls this "conservative porn."

I call it, "not good enough."


Here, we have a teacher floating a pretty good idea -- per-pupil compensation -- which would probably be an option somewhere in a fully private educational system.

Does Governor Christie say something like that? No. He pleads that New Jersey "can't print money" and that brings down the house because people are starved for someone who will take a stand -- any stand -- with fire in his belly. This is where a good sense of life can get people unarmed with the right ideas about the proper scope of government into trouble. Continuing on with a socialistic educational system where -- he admits! -- the pay scale is awful is a poor way to serve schoolchildren.

Oh. I nearly forgot. The purpose of this meeting wasn't to propose getting the government off anyone's back. It was to cap the rate of increase in New Jersey's property taxes! So much for this guy being an "anti-Obama"...

-- CAV

Updates

Today
: Corrected a typo.

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Without a Shot

Two news stories demonstrate that philosophical ideas are far more potent than they look to many people.

First, we see well-armed people in South Africa being terrorized by baboons, a relatively modern problem in a place those beasts inhabited first:

Before laws afforded baboons a protected status a decade ago, troublesome animals were regularly killed or maimed by home owners and farmers. Now around 20 full-time "baboon monitors" are employed to protect them and guide them away from residential areas. It has proved mission impossible. Last week, a 12 year old boy was left traumatised after confronting a troop who had broken into his family home.
Amazingly -- and to the point -- the baboons have their champions even after this:
In a concession to despairing residents, wildlife authorities have begun collaring baboons identified as "troublesome" and imposed a strict "three strikes" policy whereby animals which repeatedly break into homes are humanely destroyed.

...

[This dangerous animal's] death last month was greeted with outrage and jubilation in equal measure and dominated the letters pages of the local newspapers for weeks. [bold added]
One wonders, particularly after hearing an animal researcher quoted in the piece as saying that human beings have been "tak[ing] up more and more of their [the baboons' (!) --ed] land," whether anything would change if the animals simply started killing people in their own homes before "striking out."

A nation's laws outline the circumstances under which a government will use force against human beings. Here, the law is being used to threaten people who might want to perform an ordinary chore for the purpose of remaining alive: defend themselves from animals (which cannot, by their very nature, be expected to obey any law). When human beings are regarded as not having the basic right to reside on their own planet, laws will cease fulfilling their role in protecting those inalienable rights. South Africa's government is on the side of the baboons, due to the moral premise that nature has intrinsic value. Until enough people know why that premise is wrong and reject it, South Africa will have such laws on its books because too many of its citizens will support such laws.

In the United States, we also face having our weapons taken away from us for precisely the same reason. Fortunately, we have time to stop this from happening -- or only a temporary reprieve, if we don't challenge it on a moral level:
In a swift and unexpected decision, the Environmental Protection Agency today rejected a petition from environmental groups to ban the use of lead in bullets and shotgun shells, claiming it doesn't have jurisdiction to weigh on the controversial Second Amendment issue. The decision came just hours after the Drudge Report posted stories from Washington Whispers and the Weekly Standard about how gun groups were fighting the lead bullet ban. [minor format edits]
For now, we can still legally purchase ammunition with lead, although anglers may still soon become unable to use lead sinkers. (Who honestly believes this issue won't come back, like a monster from a bad horror movie?) But the EPA is still in place, as is the common notion that animals have rights, and that the government's job is to protect nature from man, rather than individual men from other men.

Unless the latter changes, the former won't, and until both disappear, a government gun remains pointed in our general direction. For actions that harm no one remain unjustly condemned, and, therefore, against the spirit of a kind of law whose purpose is anything but helping us live in a society with other human beings.

I can almost hear certain kinds of conservatives shouting, partially incredulous, and partially in denial, something to the effect of, "Americans will never let anyone take their guns!" Well, I bet that even a generation or two ago, the idea of South Africans meekly allowing baboons into their homes and fields would have met ridicule. And yet, because people have been persuaded over a generation or two that nature is good regardless of context, this is the case today.

The swiftness of this horrifying change is hardly cause for despair. To the contrary, it shows how -- and how quickly -- those of us who want to continue living as human beings can turn things around.

-- CAV

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8-28-10 Hodgepodge

>> Saturday, August 28, 2010

"Buy when there's blood on the streets."

Writing at Zero Hedge, Gonzalo Lira, some of whose relatives went through Chile's bout of hyperinflation in the 1970s, considers what hyperinflation might look like here.

Update: Lira emails, "The discussion at my blog is going strong -- I'd appreciate you directing your readers to the original post, so that they might add to the conversation, as I hope you will too."

From the Vault


Approximately two years ago, I looked at "Bush's Statist Legacy." In case you were feeling nostalgia for the Bush Presidency: You're welcome!

Saturday Op-Eds

Don Watkins and Yaron Brook discuss "The Un-American Dream" at Forbes.

Paul Hsieh writes about "Avastin and Your Life" at Pajamas Media.

Why Governor Christie's Star is Rising


Even addressing a stupid clerical error that shouldn't be his concern, he projects an admirable character that Obama simply doesn't.

Too bad he doesn't seem to realize that he shouldn't be in charge of education.

-- CAV

Updates

Today
: Added a note to first section on hyperinflation.

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Educational Quasi-Reform

>> Friday, August 27, 2010

In Newsweek, there is story about how New Orleans has built a drastically better school system -- that isn't necessarily saying much -- in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina:

In New Orleans today, students and educators have unprecedented leeway to mold educational experiences. Students can apply to and, if accepted, choose to attend any of the [district's] 46 charter schools or 23 "traditional" schools. The vast majority of schools have open-enrollment policies that allow any student to attend, regardless of past academic success. (Schools with more applicants than spots hold lotteries.) The prevalence of charters means that in most of the city's schools, educators can choose how their schools are run. Even in traditional schools, principals have unusual autonomy over the hiring -- and firing -- of teachers, since the city's teachers' union lost its collective-bargaining rights.

So far, the experiment appears to be working. Before Katrina, two thirds of students were attending schools deemed failing by state standards, notes Leslie Jacobs, a New Orleans education-reform advocate; in the 2010–11 academic year, she says, it will be less than one third. "The fact that we haven't gotten everything right yet shouldn't take away from the fact that we're getting a whole lot more right," she says. New Orleans schools are still performing below the state average on achieve...
What lesson public officials and voters will take from the success that this round of free-market-like reform has brought is unlikely to be that full privatization should be the ultimate goal, although such a move would easily address issues that are becoming apparent now.
"What's the tax rate for schools going to be? How do we know we have enough schools for the kids we have? If we don't have enough school buildings, who's going to manage bonds and manage construction of new buildings? How are we going to make sure that kids with special needs are provided for?"
This "experiment" may well provide useful data -- both on how even limited moves towards economic freedom are improvements over central planning and on how limits to reform can ultimately kill such gains -- for winning what I think of as the "battle of imagination" in the effort to move towards a capitalist society.

-- CAV

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Expiating Stardom

>> Thursday, August 26, 2010

Prateik Dalmia's analysis of why Hollywood is infested with leftists could stand to focus more on the saturation of the culture with altruism. Nevertheless, I think he makes a profound observation regarding one of the psychological bases of this phenomenon:

Hollywood stars hence feel that there is something arbitrary about their success -- that their personal merit does not warrant their revered status. While they may be pleased at this outcome, they can't help but feel that the system is unjust because their status is undeserved. They watch people in the lower rungs of society struggle and become overcome by a deep sense of guilt for holding the winning ticket in the lottery of life. They distrust capitalism for the seemingly unfair inequality it produces and thus favor redistribution.
That is, on top of knowing nothing about capitalism, they feel unearned guilt (page-search "guilt") for their success.

-- CAV

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Party Pooper

Michael Gerson, formerly George W. Bush's chief speech-writer and, according to Time magazine, one of the nation's "25 Most Influential Evangelicals," declares war on the Tea Party movement (permalink) in his column at the Washington Post.

Predictably for an evangelical, he attacks the movement for not being altruistic and, predictably for an altruist, his attacks are dishonest. Here's an example of both in the two successive paragraphs that essentialize his point and his method of "argument":

First, do you believe that Social Security and Medicare are unconstitutional? This seems to be the unguarded view of Colorado Republican U.S. Senate candidate Ken Buck and other Tea Party advocates of "constitutionalism." It reflects a conviction that the federal government has only those powers specifically enumerated in the Constitution -- which doesn't mention retirement insurance or health care.

This view is logically consistent -- as well as historically uninformed, morally irresponsible and politically disastrous. The Constitution, in contrast to the Articles of Confederation, granted broad power to the federal government to impose taxes and spend funds to "provide for . . . the general welfare" -- at least if Alexander Hamilton and a number of Supreme Court rulings are to be believed. In practice, Social Security abolition would push perhaps 13 million elderly Americans into destitution, blurring the line between conservative idealism and Social Darwinism. [bold added]
Along the way to accusing advocates of capitalism of throwing old ladies into the streets, Gerson conveniently ignores the fact that if we don't find a way to phase out the massive welfare entitlements we already have (let alone ObamaCare, which his argument supports), we'll all be impoverished (at best) from massive government theft, be it in the form of astronomical taxes or inflation.

Along the way to pretending that the Constitution justifies the welfare state, Gerson fails to mention that "general welfare" is a vague-enough term that "not looting ordinary citizens" could just as well be included, and that, in any event, the institution of slavery was more arguably enshrined in the law of the land at one point. Should we have kept slavery? Or might taxation be yet another mistake we could stand to correct? Clearly, since we can not only interpret the Constitution, but change it as well, neither Buck nor Gerson has made much of an argument here -- although Gerson has made an interesting admission regarding what he feels to be the proper purpose of government.

And finally, along the way to condemning one particular "tea party" candidate, Gerson pretends that this spontaneous revolt against Obama's unambiguous moves towards tyranny is a "political movement" in the same sense that others began "as intellectual arguments." Considering how inconsistent the views of any one such candidate are, this is patently untrue -- but it does allow Gerson to treat the idea of the government protecting individual rights as if it were on a moronic par with, "the collected tweets of Sarah Palin." It also allows him to later pretend that such an idea is as nutty -- and wrong -- as the xenophobia espoused by some "tea party favorites," not to mention the talk by others of rebellion. Oh, and it also allows Gerson to pretend that such thinkers as John Locke never existed.

On some level, Gerson plainly realizes the nature of the tea party as a vaguely pro-individual rights revolt against Obama's undiluted welfare state, but as he makes clear, he wants to keep the welfare state. Game on!

Gerson has now, thanks to Barack Obama, seen the power the federal government can seize, and is prepared to do whatever he can to preserve that opportunity, even if it means grinding out with his heel the last embers of support for the ideals of limited government among the American people. He does this at a time when, instead, he should be helping to properly explain these ideas, and, in doing so, providing the tea partiers some much-needed intellectual ammunition.

-- CAV

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Demand Destruction

>> Wednesday, August 25, 2010

Sales of existing homes are occurring at their lowest rate in fifteen years and employers aren't hiring. Why? Because making such big financial commitments when one has no rational basis for expecting to meet the obligations that come with them makes no sense.

The housing market is ... being hampered by the weakening economic recovery [sic]. Unemployment remains stuck at 9.5 percent and many potential buyers worry they might not have a job to pay the mortgage.
On top of that, there's concern that the financial outlay associated with a home purchase made today will prove unrealistically high tomorrow.
One reason the market is hurting is that buyers and sellers are in a standoff over prices. Many sellers are reluctant to lower their prices. And buyers are hesitating because they think home prices haven't bottomed out.
This situation parallels the one employers face when considering whether to buy the services of a new employee, as outlined by John Stossel.
The problem today is that the economy is not being left alone. Instead, it is haunted by uncertainty on a hundred fronts. When rules are unintelligible and unpredictable, when new workers are potential threats because of Labor Department regulations, businesses have little confidence to hire. President Obama's vaunted legislative record not only left entrepreneurs with the burden of bigger government, it also makes it impossible for them to accurately estimate the new burden.
With myriad new regulations which will affect the price of labor and "no fewer than 243 new formal rule-makings by 11 different federal agencies" hanging over the financial sector, employers are hesitant to buy and their willing, potential new hires sit around unused. The only difference here is that the direction the buyer fears his price will go.

We really need to start shrinking the size of the welfare state, but even just maintaining the status quo (if that were even possible) for some time would be an improvement over our current situation in one sense: It would allow businessmen to figure out what the hell is going on.

An economist made headlines yesterday, not so much for laying all this out, but for calling a spade a spade: He said that our economy is in a depression. I completely agree.

If, as the saying goes, "Admitting the problem is half the battle," this is the best news about the economy I've heard in years.

-- CAV

Updates

Today
: Minor edits.

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Bad Ideas, Bad Feelings

>> Tuesday, August 24, 2010

Nearly fifty years ago, Ayn Rand made the following connection between the philosophical ideas one holds (often, implicitly) and the emotions one feels:

Just as the pleasure-pain mechanism of man's body is an automatic indicator of his body's welfare or injury, a barometer of its basic alternative, life or death -- so the emotional mechanism of man's consciousness is geared to perform the same function, as a barometer that registers the same alternative by means of two basic emotions: joy or suffering. Emotions are the automatic results of man's value judgments integrated by his subconscious; emotions are estimates of that which furthers man's values or threatens them, that which is for him or against him -- lightning calculators giving him the sum of his profit or loss.

...

[S]ince the work of man's mind is not automatic, his values, like all his premises, are the product either of his thinking or of his evasions: man chooses his values by a conscious process of thought -- or accepts them by default, by subconscious associations, on faith, on someone's authority, by some form of social osmosis or blind imitation. Emotions are produced by man's premises, held consciously or subconsciously, explicitly or implicitly. [minor format edits]
And Sunday, Jeff Jacoby of the Boston Globe asked of Barack Obama:
[T]he presidency is no walk in the park. Americans know that, just as they know you've had a lot on your plate: a gasping economy, Afghanistan, the oil spill, North Korea -- not to mention an approval rating that keeps dropping. But Americans also know that every president faces tremendous trials. Look at Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Not only did he have the Great Depression, Adolf Hitler, and Pearl Harbor to deal with, he was paralyzed from the waist down and confined to a wheelchair. Yet he was legendary for his ebullient good humor. All the troubles in the world couldn’t deprive FDR of what his biographer Doris Kearns Goodwin called his "remarkable capacity to transmit this cheerful strength to others."

Will anyone ever say that about you? [format edits, emphasis mine]
Before concluding with his very different impression of President Obama, Jacoby further quotes President Kennedy on the emotional rewards -- yes, rewards -- of his job. "It is full use of your powers along lines of excellence. I find, therefore, the presidency provides some happiness."
By contrast, you come across too often as irritable and self-pitying. It's not attractive, and it's not winning you the admiration of the American people. Lighten up, Mr. President. You've got the job of a lifetime. Enjoy it.
Jacoby has stumbled on something more profound, probably, than he realizes, and this could well nail Obama's coffin shut among voters with a healthy sense of life.

But what, exactly, is it? It is perhaps most instructive to consider the fact that the other two Presidents mentioned above, like Obama, favored more state control of the economy than there had been before and were professed altruists. However, Obama is the most consistent collectivist of the three, and alone among them distinctly lacks fire in the belly when it comes to protecting American interests worldwide.

While FDR fought the Depression (albeit ineffectively) and waged a two-front war, he worked to inspire the American people. There was doubtless the sense that things were terrible, but that such a state of affairs was unacceptable and, more important, abnormal: We could -- and would -- do something about it.

Obama, on the other hand, tells us that America's days as the preeminent world power are over and that the economy won't improve any time soon. The first would be complete bunk if his policies regarding the economy were not so horrendous; and there's no possible way for him to attempt to raise morale regarding the second: If the state "has to" bail us out, the implicit judgment is that we're all essentially helpless in the face of this crisis.

It is this last observation that is key to understanding our irritable, self-pitying President. He is, by far, the most consistent altruist and collectivist we have ever had as President. Furthermore, it is becoming increasingly apparent that this consistency includes -- not just as an abstract notion or inconsistently in any way, but on an emotional and "soul-felt" level -- the malevolent universe premise that Rand identified as the basis for altruism.

Were Jeff Jacoby an Objectivist, I wonder whether he would have identified Barack Obama as the first "American" President to lack any vestige of an American sense of life. (Scroll down to -- or search -- "A nation’s sense of life".)

-- CAV

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Worse than It Seems

>> Monday, August 23, 2010

The City of Brotherly Love has decided that all its bloggers are their brothers' keepers:

Between her blog and infrequent contributions to ehow.com, over the last few years she says she’s made about $50. To [Marilyn] Bess, her website is a hobby. To the city of Philadelphia, it's a potential moneymaker, and the city wants its cut.

In May, the city sent Bess a letter demanding that she pay $300, the price of a business privilege license.
It's bad enough that, apparently, anything we own or produce is fair game to be looted by any level of the government these days.

What's worse is that most people think of taxation as if it were a law of nature or an immutable metaphysical fact, rather than the man-made (and alterable) phenomenon that it actually is.
It would be one thing if Bess’ website were, well, an actual business, or if the amount of money the city wanted didn’t outpace her earnings six-fold. Sure, the city has its rules; and yes, cash-strapped cities can’t very well ignore potential sources of income. But at the same time, there must be some room for discretion and common sense.
Since when has a city taking its "cut" as soon as some official smells money -- or imagines he does -- been "common sense?" And no, it wouldn't be different if Bess actually made money, because the city would still be trying to steal something that is hers by right.

While Mark Hemingway does us a valuable service by bringing attention to this government intrusion, he is so focused on the licensing fee that he misses a more serious issue. How would some government entity even know whether a blogger is making enough money to "justify" such a licensing fee? By having some kind of auditing mechanism in place and, probably, also setting itself up as an arbiter of what constitutes a blog. From there, regulations on that activity -- regardless of tax status -- would be a hop, skip, and a jump away.

Thanks to taxation, then, what you say needn't even be related to a political campaign to become the business of some little dictator in the government. And with opponents making mistakes like the one Hemingway does here, such a scheme will end up being pawned off as a "reasonable" alternative to the city forcing people to choose between shutting down their blogs or continuing with them illegally over a steep fee.

If it comes to pass that censorship arrives in America, it will not be all at once by the decree of some political figure. (Only the final step down that road could be.) It will come one almost imperceptible step at a time as other, better-established affronts to our freedom breed other government controls.

-- CAV

Updates

Today
: Several clarifications after second excerpt.

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8-21-10 Hodgepodge

>> Saturday, August 21, 2010

From the Vault

This time last year, I considered, "an interesting analysis, from an Alinsky-ish perspective of Barack Obama's current political difficulties," and found it wanting.

Weekend Op-Eds

Building on Ignorance

Stephen Bourque discusses a blatant attempt to use a failure of government planning to justify more government planning.

(Re)Run-DMC

I felt the urge last week to listen to some Run-DMC and ran across a relatively young Penn and Teller playing an integral part in the video of "It's Tricky." I remember watching this video when I was a kid, but not that Penn and Teller were in it: I hadn't heard of them yet.

-- CAV

Updates

8-23-10
: Added link to Amit Ghate's editorial. Ironically, he recently blogged on the very "problem" that caused me to miss his article!
8-26-10: Corrected a typo.

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Mags, Meds, Roasts, and Song

>> Friday, August 20, 2010

Dear Uncle Gus,

If you could only read one magazine for the rest of your life, which would it be?

Signed,

Alfred E. Neuman

Dear Alfred,

Although I grew up reading my parents' old Mad magazines, my tastes have changed over the years.

Strictly speaking, this is really a journal, but it is what I'd pick: The Objective Standard.

***

Dear Uncle Gus,


Will prescriptions be necessary for presently OTC supplements under Obama's health plan, or is that only a scurrilous rumor among nurses?

Signed,

Vigilis

Dear Vigilis,

I am not completely sure, but at least according to one big fan of getting the state to pay for such things, they won't be covered, so perhaps you won't need a prescription for them.

Personally, I'd file that under, "Least of Our Worries."

***

Dear Uncle Gus,

Have you ever tried civet coffee? If not, would you try something such as that after knowing where it came from?

Signed,

Anita Koch

Dear Anita,

I have not.

After the ... processing, the beans are washed and then roasted above the temperatures used for dry heat sterilization (although not so long as that process). I might try such coffee -- provided I could assure myself that the beans are sterile, or at least that there have been no cases of people becoming ill from such coffee.

I'm an adventurous eater and drinker, but it may help you to know that there are things even I won't try. (Do not click if you are eating, unless it's casu marzu. You have been warned.)

***

Dear Uncle Gus,

What might Mozart have said in amazement to have learned Hu Ching-Yun would someday perform his sonata?

Signed,

Siligiv Rachton

Dear Siligiv,

Not knowing the German language, I haven't a clue, but it might depend on what he thought of the performance. I think he'd be pretty happy, though, not to mention, amazed.

-- CAV

If you'd like to ask a question, just type it into the box at the upper right labeled, "Ask Uncle Gus."

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Wild Gueuze Chase

A reader and fellow beer aficionado emails me an image of a bottle of Lindemans Framboise, along with the question, "Had it before?" I replied:

Yes. That's good stuff. Peche as well.

In addition, I'm one of those weird people who likes the Gueuze. Wish I could find it up here.
I could usually get gueuze at my old H-Town watering hole, but, until I started composing this post, I had completely struck out in Boston. The above message, though, caused me to check the beer list at a new place, Lord Hobo, that an acquaintance recently told me about. As it turns out, they feature two, both of which are new to me.

Depending on who's talking, you will hear this style of beer described as anything from "wine-like" to ... um ... not:
Because aged hops are used to produce these lambics, the beer has little to none of the traditional hop flavor and aroma that can be found in most other styles of beer. Furthermore, the wild yeasts that are specific to lambic-style beers give gueuze a dry, cidery, musty, sour, acetic acid, lactic acid taste. Many describe the taste as sour and "barnyard-like." In modern times, some brewers have added sugar to their gueuzes to sweeten them and make the beer more appealing to a wider audience. ...
It probably helped me ease into appreciating the style to have first encountered one of the sweetened versions.

In hunting for references this morning about gueuze, I was surprised to learn that it is often paired with another favorite of mine, seafood. It just so happens that Lord Hobo has seafood on the menu.

I had been planning to visit Lord Hobo the next time I found myself in Cambridge on a weekend, but the place merits a special trip as soon as I have time to make it there.

Fernando's email was titled, "Ready for Friday?" I am, now -- or at least I will be when I have a little less to do.

-- CAV

PS: I essentially got to write this post twice and had to add a couple of lines to the title thanks to misspelling "gueuze" on my first attempt to search the beer list.

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The Latest Hieroglyph

>> Thursday, August 19, 2010

If you don't know what the symbol at the right means just by looking at it, the government thinks you're (not even) an idiot.

If you guessed a low tire-pressure warning, you are right. If you didn't recognize the symbol, that's also understandable because one out of three drivers do not, according to Schrader, a company that makes tire pressure monitoring systems.

...

The issue here seems to be that the public hasn't been properly educated on the warning symbol, which is supposed to be "idiot proof" and understandable across a wide variety of cultures and languages. Yet 46% of drivers couldn't figure out that the icon represents a tire and 14% thought the symbol represented another problem with the vehicle entirely, according to Schrader. [bold added]
While I can see the case for having a small vocabulary of international hieroglyphs for ubiquitous products like cars, I have always bristled at the notion that they are somehow "intuitive", and thus superior to the written word. I take a small measure of grim satisfaction in the bolded sentence above, whose self-contradiction induces a sort of bracing cognitive whiplash along with a smirk.

If we need to be told about what this symbol means, how can anyone say it's idiot-proof? If it's idiot-proof, why do we need to be told what it means?

And then there's the whole matter of the government effectively training people not to check their tire pressure regularly by this mandated warning light.

When you design cars for idiots, ...

-- CAV

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Sic transit dignitas donatorum.

The title is my translation into Latin of the sentence: Thus passes the prestige of the givers. If you see signs of rust, feel welcome to correct me or offer a better translation.

Although I expected to see something like this sooner or later, based on the influence of the abject altruism of Immanuel Kant in our culture, I am still amazed at how quickly and thoroughly Bill Gates and Warren Buffett have been tarred and feathered in the aftermath of their drive to raise $600 billion for charity from the world's wealthiest, which they call the "Giving Pledge."

The first bile spilled, predictably, from Germany. But now, the American website Slate has published a three-pager loaded with insults for Gates and Buffett, along with a suggested remedy for their not emptying their pockets out fast or thoroughly enough for the satisfaction of one Ron Rosenbaum.

[T]o make the "Giving Pledge" more than a vague promise to do good, billionaires should be asked to put an audited 50 percent of their net worth on the table for charitable use now, when it can make a difference to people starving today, not later, after they've worked up a heart attack from their third wife on their fourth yacht. Look at how the Forbes list changes, how many billionaires lose their fortunes and drop off it from year to year. Gates and Buffett are right to use the Forbes list as a symbolic target, but let's get these big-talking "givers" to give now, when they've still got it.
This screed also approvingly (and with great gall) quotes Honoré de Balzac on wealth -- "Behind every great fortune there lies a great crime." (!) It ends with a "friendly" threat to vandalize the yachts of any who don't comply with his -- Rosenbaum's -- plans for their property. But I guess preemptively calling potential philanthropists hypocrites, equating achievement with crime, and making mealy-mouthed threats are all okay because Rosembaum "cares."

A commenter here yesterday raised an excellent point about those who permit others to bully them through a desire for approval:
Most people can remember some kid in high school who was visibly desperate to fit in with and be regarded as being part of the allegedly cool, trendy set - and the harder he tried the more pathetic he looked to everybody, most especially those whose approval he was trying to win over.
The moral currency of altruism is exactly nothing except such prestige. To the degree Gates and Buffett buy into it, they richly deserve such treatment. Otherwise, they should proudly stand up and say something to the effect of, "It's my own damned money, and I'll donate it or not as I please."

In the world, there are genuinely benevolent people, and there are doormats. The former will stand up for themselves in the face of those who would take advantage of them. The latter will announce their hunger for prestige and invite the filthy feet of Rosenbaum and his ilk, and they will happily run roughshod all over them.

-- CAV

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Cool -- or Real?

>> Wednesday, August 18, 2010

The Wall Street Journal has an article on "The Perils of 'Wannabe Cool' Christianity" which, like the Paul Graham article I discussed the other day, is about advertising, this time by churches.

There are two things I find interesting about this one so soon after the Paul Graham piece: (1) It touches on an issue somewhat related to an important problem faced by legitimate cultural activists: How do we pique interest in our message in as much of our potential audience as possible? (2) Christianity, based on faith as it is, has no way to appeal to the minds of its audience, so its advertising will necessarily be misleading. Bearing this in mind, can we still learn anything from the experiences of churches that try to promote themselves as trendy to a young demographic?

I think we can, and to do that, we have to consider the marketing tactics adopted by these evangelical churches as well as what (in generic terms) they are trying to sell. The following two paragraphs give a sense of the marketing approach:

There are various ways that churches attempt to be cool. For some, it means trying to seem more culturally savvy. The pastor quotes Stephen Colbert or references Lady Gaga during his sermon, or a church sponsors a screening of the R-rated "No Country For Old Men." For others, the emphasis is on looking cool, perhaps by giving the pastor a metrosexual makeover, with skinny jeans and an $80 haircut, or by insisting on trendy eco-friendly paper and helvetica-only fonts on all printed materials. Then there is the option of holding a worship service in a bar or nightclub (as is the case for L.A.'s Mosaic church, whose downtown location meets at a nightspot called Club Mayan).

"Wannabe cool" Christianity also manifests itself as an obsession with being on the technological cutting edge. Churches like Central Christian in Las Vegas and Liquid Church in New Brunswick, N.J., for example, have online church services where people can have a worship experience at an "iCampus." Many other churches now encourage texting, Twitter and iPhone interaction with the pastor during their services.
Setting aside the inherent problems of attempting to package deal today's somewhat diluted forms of an ancient mystery cult with what are commonly regarded as the benefits of modern, rational civilization, there could be pitfalls inherent to such an approach even for proponents of a rational philosophy.

One could, for example, end up looking patronizing or phony to the target demographic. To wit:
"And the further irony," [author David Wells] adds, "is that the younger generations who are less impressed by whiz-bang technology, who often see through what is slick and glitzy, and who have been on the receiving end of enough marketing to nauseate them, are as likely to walk away from these oh-so-relevant churches as to walk into them."

If the evangelical Christian leadership thinks that "cool Christianity" is a sustainable path forward, they are severely mistaken. As a twentysomething, I can say with confidence that when it comes to church, we don't want cool as much as we want real.
There is nothing necessarily wrong with a marketing attempt that keeps up with the latest trends (to the extent that they aren't irrational), or of (appropriately) applying new technology to the problem of getting a message out. In fact, both things are good and necessary.

That said, Wells knows of which he speaks: There is a mass exodus of the young from such evangelical churches once they become independent adults. Why is this happening after all these attempts to aim specifically for this audience? What -- again, aside from and on top of peddling irrationality and discounting misapplication of technology or badly executing modern styles -- could they be doing wrong?

Part of the answer lies in what kind of product they're attempting to sell -- a comprehensive way of understanding the world in order to lead one's life. These marketing attempts are all about appearances. The target audience wants to hear a specific worldview. They might even be willing to listen to an entire lecture or two without interruption, or overlook the fact that the speaker isn't a dolled-up metrosexual. This last is what I think author Brett McCracken is driving at when he says, "[W]e don't want cool as much as we want real."

So I think several types of problems can arise that one can generalize beyond just marketing attempts to the young: (1) To target a demographic, one necessarily makes hypotheses about that demographic. Done badly or taken beyond a certain point, this can seem patronizing or phony. (2) Too much emphasis on catering to what some demographic (presumably) wants at the expense of what one has to say can dilute one's message, or even seem so far from it as to look like an attempt to put something over.

Either of the above can put off the very people one is trying to reach before one has really said anything.

-- CAV

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Total, Abject Selflessness

>> Tuesday, August 17, 2010

In his book, The Ominous Parallels, Leonard Peikoff describes how the influence of German philosophers, particularly Immanuel Kant, on its popular culture paved the way for the rise of Nazism and made possible Adolf Hitler's rise to power.

Reader Dismuke sends in a clear and disturbing example of that very influence alive and thriving today. In a recent interview with Spiegel, German shipping magnate Peter Krämer criticizes an initiative, spearheaded by several American billionaires, for the rich to give away most of their wealth. This initiative he criticizes for exactly the wrong reason: It's too selfish.

SPIEGEL: Forty super wealthy Americans have just announced that they would donate half of their assets, at the very latest after their deaths. As a person who often likes to say that rich people should be asked to contribute more to society, what were your first thoughts?

Krämer: I find the US initiative highly problematic. You can write donations off in your taxes to a large degree in the USA. So the rich make a choice: Would I rather donate or pay taxes? The donors are taking the place of the state. That's unacceptable.

SPIEGEL: But doesn't the money that is donated serve the common good?

Krämer: It is all just a bad transfer of power from the state to billionaires. So it's not the state that determines what is good for the people, but rather the rich want to decide. That's a development that I find really bad. What legitimacy do these people have to decide where massive sums of money will flow?

SPIEGEL: It is their money at the end of the day.

Krämer: In this case, 40 superwealthy people want to decide what their money will be used for. That runs counter to the democratically legitimate state. In the end the billionaires are indulging in hobbies that might be in the common good, but are very personal.

SPIEGEL: Do the donations also have to do with the fact that the idea of state and society is such different one in the United States?

Krämer: Yes, one cannot forget that the US has a desolate social system and that alone is reason enough that donations are already a part of everyday life there. But it would have been a greater deed on the part of Mr. Gates or Mr. Buffet if they had given the money to small communities in the US so that they can fulfil public duties.

SPIEGEL: Should wealthy Germans also give up some of their money?

Krämer: No, not in this form. It would make more sense, for example, to work with and donate to established organizations.
So even the last tiny shred of control of their own property, deciding where the money goes, is unacceptable to Krämer. The ability to get a tax write-off bothers him because this makes Buffett, Gates, and company "powerful" at the expense of the Leviathan state. Indeed, even to the extent that these men get any form of personal satisfaction from what they are doing bothers this obdurate altruist because they're "indulging in hobbies that might be in the common good, but are very personal."

Not that I hold giving things away to be a moral ideal, but: God forbid someone feel a single degree of benevolent warmth after improving the lot of another!

Considering this initiative in terms of how it pales next to what the government is looting from us, I solicited my readers for an Ayn Rand quote and, thanks to Jennifer Snow, was able to find the one it reminded me of:
In view of what they hear from the experts, the people cannot be blamed for their ignorance and their helpless confusion. If an average housewife struggles with her incomprehensibly shrinking budget and sees a tycoon in a resplendent limousine, she might well think that just one of his diamond cuff links would solve all her problems. She has no way of knowing that if all the personal luxuries of all the tycoons were expropriated [or given away --ed], it would not feed her family -- and millions of other, similar families -- for one week; and that the entire country would starve on the first morning of the week to follow . . . . How would she know it, if all the voices she hears are telling her that we must soak the rich? ("The Inverted Moral Priorities," in The Ayn Rand Letter, vol. III, no. 21. 1974, p. 345)
Considered in light of how paltry Gates and Buffett's effort really is and how pervasive the call to (human) self-sacrifice is in our culture, the above interview shows us just how malevolent and devoid of genuine good will altruism -- Immanuel Kant's and Peter Krämer's moral philosophy -- really is.

Dismuke further supplies an Ayn Rand quote on that matter which I think bears passing on.
As to Kant's version of morality, it was appropriate to the kind of zombies that would inhabit that kind of [Kantian] universe: it consisted of total, abject selflessness. An action is moral, said Kant, only if one has no desire to perform it, but performs it out of a sense of duty and derives no benefit from it of any sort, neither material nor spiritual; a benefit destroys the moral value of an action. (Thus, if one has no desire to be evil, one cannot be good; if one has, one can.)

Those who accept any part of Kant's philosophy -- metaphysical, epistemological or moral -- deserve it. ("For the New Intellectual" in For the New Intellectual, p. 32.)
In addition to being consistent with his moral ideals, Krämer's worship of the all-powerful state is telling, and should serve as a warning to anyone who holds, understands, and cares about values. Should we permit much more power to the state, it will be the means by which the Krämers of the world force us to live in their cold, nasty little universe.

-- CAV

Updates

Today
: (1) Corrected "Dietmar Hopp" in second paragraph to Peter Krämer. (2) Corrected "Dietmar" to "Peter" later in the post.

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Partial Credit

>> Monday, August 16, 2010

Via Arts and Letters Daily comes a review by John McWhorter of Amy Wax's Race, Wrongs, and Remedies: Group Justice in the 21st Century. Wax makes an interesting argument against the notion that the government should the solve all the difficulties faced by many black Americans as a partial consequence of past racism and government dereliction in protecting individual rights for all citizens equally.

Wax identifies the illusion that mars American thinking on this subject as the myth of reverse causation -- that if racism was the cause of a problem, then eliminating racism will solve it. If only this were true. But it isn’t true: racism can set in motion cultural patterns that take on a life of their own. [It is also an illusion that a government, acting by force as it must, can eliminate racism. That can only occur with individuals changing their minds, one at a time -- something that it is impossible to make them do. --ed]

Wax appeals to a parable in which a pedestrian is run over by a truck and must learn to walk again. The truck driver pays the pedestrian's medical bills, but the only way the pedestrian will walk again is through his own efforts. The pedestrian may insist that the driver do more, that justice has not occurred until the driver has himself made the pedestrian learn to walk again. But the sad fact is that justice, under this analysis, is impossible. The legal theory about remedies, Wax points out, grapples with this inconvenience -- and the history of the descendants of African slaves, no matter how horrific, cannot upend its implacable logic. As she puts it, "That blacks did not, in an important sense, cause their current predicament does not preclude charging them with alleviating it if nothing else will work."
This argument somewhat reminds me of so many in support of capitalism by economists in that it completely ignores underlying moral questions. To see the need for a normative dimension to any such argument one need only ask, "What does 'work' mean?"

Self-reliance and free markets both definitely produce material prosperity -- but that is because they are right for rational animals and societies thereof to adopt, and because material prosperity is good. Until that further fact is widely recognized, anti-materialistic preeners will feel perfectly free -- and morally justified -- to ignore and disparage all this practical (and moral) advice.

-- CAV

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Advertising, Search, and Value

Once again, Paul Graham brings up lots of thought-provoking points in a new essay, "What Happened to Yahoo." As the title indicates, the thrust of the essay is Graham's analysis of where that self-proclaimed media company went wrong. As one might expect from a venture capitalist focused on computer technology, one of his major conclusions is that Yahoo suffered from not properly focusing on technology.

But there's another strand in Graham's argument that offers even greater value. The essay begins with Graham meeting with then-Yahoo CEO Jerry Yang about a sort-for-shopping product he'd developed which optimized revenue related to web searches. During the meeting, he was perplexed by Yang's apparent indifference to the value his product offered. Eventually, though, he came to understand what was going on. Compared to what Yahoo could bring in with banner ads, his product looked to be worth peanuts.

[T]he big money then was in banner ads. Advertisers were willing to pay ridiculous amounts for banner ads. So Yahoo's sales force had evolved to exploit this source of revenue. Led by a large and terrifyingly formidable man called Anil Singh, Yahoo's sales guys would fly out to Procter & Gamble and come back with million dollar orders for banner ad impressions.

The prices seemed cheap compared to print, which was what advertisers, for lack of any other reference, compared them to. But they were expensive compared to what they were worth. So these big, dumb companies were a dangerous source of revenue to depend on. But there was another source even more dangerous: other Internet startups.

By 1998, Yahoo was the beneficiary of a de facto Ponzi scheme. Investors were excited about the Internet. One reason they were excited was Yahoo's revenue growth. So they invested in new Internet startups. The startups then used the money to buy ads on Yahoo to get traffic. Which caused yet more revenue growth for Yahoo, and further convinced investors the Internet was worth investing in. When I realized this one day, sitting in my cubicle, I jumped up like Archimedes in his bathtub, except instead of "Eureka!" I was shouting "Sell!"
What happened here, and what bigger lesson does this hold for us? To understand this, we need to consider what advertising hopes to accomplish: greater trade between the advertising company and customers, be that by reminding old customers to return or convincing potential new ones to try the products it offers. In other words, the underlying goal is to get more people to trade money for whatever value the advertiser offers.

Ideally, an ad will occur in a setting rich in likely customers and suggest to them that they want or need what that company has to offer. The premise behind a banner ad is fine for print media since those who see it will have selected themselves as an audience for the ad by purchasing the publication in which it appears, presumably for reasons somewhat related to why they might want the service offered by the advertiser.

But for search? Such an ad will often just be an annoying distraction (if that) to someone randomly showing up to a site for a search on who knows what topic. Eventually, the fact that the ad isn't really being pitched will become manifest to advertisers, and there will no longer be "big money" to be made selling such ads. Since so much of the content for the Internet is free, optimizing advertisements to search results in some relevant way is a stroke of genius. The ad is directed at someone who has just told you what he is looking for. The essential change brought by the new technology was a new process of selecting the target audience for the ad.

To be fair, nobody in the essay, Graham included, realized how valuable search-based advertising pitches could be, but we can draw a general lesson anyway. Simply sticking with what one knows when confronted with new technologies or opportunities can be about as productive as what Richard Feynman once called "cargo cult science." Furthermore, while often, even an inventor of a new technology can't necessarily predict how many new ways it can be usefully applied, perhaps one helpful strategy for adapting to it is to view its capabilities in terms of how they relate to accomplishing one's purpose.

-- CAV

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8-14-10 Hodgepodge

>> Saturday, August 14, 2010

What will I invent this month?

Among the other "man caves" mentioned in the article I discussed yesterday was Thomas Edison's library in Menlo Park, New Jersey. Looking him up and seeing that he holds 1093 patents, I did the math. That's an average of about a patent a month, every month across his entire, 84-year lifespan.

This was actually true for a while.

For a few months, commenters on Paul Krugman's blog made it, "one of the more informative and interesting places to hear economics debated,"at least until he changed his comment policy gave up.

Two Good Beers

I recently got chances to taste two beers I'd never had before and liked both of them: abbey-style Grimbergen Double Ale, and a black IPA by 21st Amendment Brewery. The second of these was a variant on the IPA style I'd never heard of.

From the Vault

Last weekend, my wife and I were in Maine to see her parents, who often spend some time up there each summer. Back in '07, I posted pictures from the same lobstering town.

You may have missed ...

... Andrew Dalton's discussion of why the mosque at the site of the World Trade Center Atrocities of 2001 has hit such a raw nerve. Money quote: "[N]ow, the one group of people who do seem confident are the followers of the same malevolent religion that catalyzed (though did not ultimately cause) so much of the mess we're in." Read the whole thing.

-- CAV

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Twain's Man Caves

>> Friday, August 13, 2010

An article about fourteen historical man caves both inspires me and brings back fond memories of the three-bedroom house we rented for next to nothing back in our Houston days.

In particular, the fact that Mark Twain appears on the list twice made me smile. Included are his descriptions of each of two different man caves of his -- a free-standing writing studio (for summer visits with his sister in upstate New York) ...

It is the loveliest study you ever saw ... octagonal with a peaked roof, each face filled with a spacious window ... perched in complete isolation on the top of an elevation that commands leagues of valley and city and retreating ranges of distant blue hills. It is a cozy nest and just room in it for a sofa, table, and three or four chairs, and when the storms sweep down the remote valley and the lightning flashes behind the hills beyond and the rain beats upon the roof over my head -- imagine the luxury of it.
... and a billiards room in his Connecticut house. (I think I now have a day trip to suggest to Mrs. Van Horn. We can try the steamed cheeseburgers here, while we're at it, too.)
There ought to be a room in this house to swear in. It's dangerous to have to repress an emotion like that ... Under certain circumstances, profanity provides a relief denied even to prayer.
Both are pictured within the article.

Twain's two man caves reminded me of the two I had in the Houston house with similar purposes -- a small study for my writing and research, and an odd room between the kitchen and the back porch, which we called the "poker room." My roll-top desk and barbecue supplies lived back there, along with a small table for poker and a couple of cabinets containing most of my tools including, of course, ashtrays and other poker supplies.

Also -- how could I forget? -- I had a small beer refrigerator back there.

We had to cut things to the bone on the move to Boston. I do have a man cave up here -- a small study I now have a standing order in my mind to improve. And the kitchen has become a de facto second man cave. It's not perfect, but it'll do until we get back into a house.

And, if we remain in New England, that means one thing: I'll have a basement. Nice.

-- CAV

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Rights: Civil and Individual

>> Thursday, August 12, 2010

An amazing story about a woman who had to extricate herself and her children from the religious cult her husband joined -- at a time when divorce was stigmatized and many individual rights possessed by women went unprotected by the government -- reminds me of an important distinction that deserves attention.

If a father chose to have his children raised as Shakers, the mother had no way to claim custody. Even if the children had been unwillingly abducted from her.

That is what happened to Eunice Chapman... Chapman was a woman born in post-Revolutionary America: therefore, she was dead. Civilly dead, that is, in the harrowing terms of the law, which regarded her as nonexistent. A woman in the early 1800s had fewer legal rights than a freed male slave. The law considered a married couple a single legal entity, and that entity was de facto male. Women could not own property, vote, earn wages or sign contracts. "So wholly did the law consider man and wife united that spouses were not allowed to testify against each other, on the grounds that to do so would be an act of self-incrimination."[minor format edits, link added]
In order to gain custody of her children, Chapman had to get a divorce. And that legal battle was, in some respects, just the beginning of getting her children back.

Chapman's story is quite interesting. However, it is the phrase "civilly dead" that interests me here, because it reminds me of a distinction Leonard Peikoff drew on his radio show some time ago between civil rights -- which belong to the citizens of a country and pertain to their participation in its government and legal system -- and individual rights -- which belong to anyone in a society. An example of a civil right would be the right to vote. Freedom of speech would be an example of an individual right (that a proper government would guard for its citizens).

The distinction is interesting to me because I suspect that in addition to the massive confusion there already is among the public about the nature of individual rights (e.g., from the philosophical roots of the concept to their very nature, as evidenced by the plethora of ersatz "rights," like medical care), there is further confusion about the distinction mentioned above. The most glaring instance I can think of where this confusion hampers intelligent debate is in the immigration debate, and specifically when the very idea of open immigration is equated with treating all comers as full citizens.

Similarly, it is interesting to note from the Wikipedia link above how the concept of civil death (and, by implication, civil rights) has changed in the course of its historical development. In Medieval Germany, for example, a felon could be allowed to roam the countryside, but could be killed with impunity (which, depending on context, could be a violation of his individual rights or an abdication by the state of its task in protecting its citizens from threat of harm). On the other hand, there is a movement afoot to allow felons in the United States full voting rights (which strikes me as a confusion of that civil right with an individual right).

This is an important topic, but I am really just beginning to think about it. What say you?

-- CAV

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Casting the "Right" Vote

>> Wednesday, August 11, 2010

It is sometimes astounding how much -- and how little -- can be expected of us voters in today's mixed economy. On the one hand, our government illegitimately meddles in so many areas of our lives that it is basically impossible to be a "well-informed" voter, at least in terms of understanding the concrete ramifications of every possible stand on every possible issue of the candidates on a ballot. On the other hand, we have public advocates of "democracy" making headlines with the following worries:

Local and state boards of elections have launched education campaigns about the new voting machines, but advocates and some elected officials in New York City, where there are 4.6 million registered voters, said the efforts are far from adequate.

"Ninety-nine percent of the people do not know that this new system is coming," said Glynda Carr, executive director of Education Voters of New York, a schools advocacy group, following a demonstration of the new machine in Lower Manhattan yesterday.

"If they don't rev up and do a massive outreach in the next couple of weeks, you're going to have people that are going to walk away from the polls without voting," Ms. Carr said. "Democracy is too important to have a machine block the ability to send the right representatives to Albany." [emphasis added]
That's right. We need to make sure that the voices of people who can't figure out how to operate a simple machine are nevertheless heard regarding issues of importance.

Not to defend a difficult-to-use voting system, but have these machines -- mandated by a law to make voting easier -- not been publicly tested? Are they not simple enough for a person of ordinary intelligence to operate, so long as he is paying at least some modicum of attention? Yes, they have been tested, and yes, they're easy to use. In fact, one story about such testing leads with the following quote: "It's very easy."

Only one question remains. What, exactly, does Glynda Carr really mean, in terms of a voter's rationale, when she speaks of picking the "right" candidate?

-- CAV

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Naming the Issue

En route to explaining why she regards the recent judicial reversal of Proposition 8 (aka the California Marriage Protection Act) as a Pyrrhic victory for gay rights, Helen Searles brings up the following interesting point at Spiked.

As David Fleischer has argued in the Huffington Post: "[A] comprehensive analysis of the Prop 8 campaign... shows that the only two TV ads created by the 'No to Prop 8' campaign that made voters more likely to support same-sex marriage were the only two that used the word 'gay' (none of the other 14 breathed a word about whose lives would be most affected by Prop 8) and that made clear, direct arguments on the merits. All of the rest were de-gayed, and had no impact as they offered platitudes, vagueness, unexplained endorsements, and abstract analogies." Fleischer concluded: "Same-sex marriage can't win when we don't make the case for it." [minor format edits]
Apparently, fiscal conservatives "defending" capitalism don't have a monopoly on making a good cause look like an attempt to put something over on everyone...

I can think of many specific reasons (and Searles names a few) the anti-Proposition 8 folks might have feared just going out and naming their cause, but they all boil down to a presumption that the voting public is largely closed to reason or can't be reached by what the Abolitionists called "moral suasion."

Is this because of a cynical presumption that likely pro-Proposition 8 voters are irrational bumpkins? Or is it because too many Proposition 8 opponents -- like too many fiscal conservatives -- don't really understand the philosophical basis for their cause, and therefore don't even have a cogent message?

Whatever the reason, the end result was the same: They lost a ton of the good will that their cause deserved.

-- CAV

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Jimmy Carter's Legacy

>> Tuesday, August 10, 2010

Dear Uncle Gus,

What do you admire most about Jimmy Carter?

Signed,

Mr. Peanut


Dear Mr. Peanut,

I do not admire Jimmy Carter.

That fact out of the way, I must admit that there were several things he did during his administration that I am glad about. I don't agree with everything William Anderson says in this article (nor do I support the libertarian Mises Institute), but Carter did somewhat deregulate parts of the economy.

[I]n 1980 the Interstate Commerce Commission regulated both trucking and the railroads. ...

Airlines had been "deregulated" for only two years. Government controlled the pricing and allocation of oil in the United States. "Regulation Q" and other restrictions on banks and financial institutions kept capital formation in the doldrums. Another way of putting it was that many sectors of this economy were more socialistic then than they are now. [i.e., in 2000 --ed]

Carter's administration played a large part in many of the deregulation efforts. [This also included oil. --ed] Unfortunately, he usually only got it half right, which reflected his core statist philosophy.
In addition to the above, Carter legalized home brewing, paving the way for the vastly improved the beer culture the United States enjoys today.

So far, then, the man who was once my least favorite President stands head and shoulders above the current occupant of the Oval Office, as well as the previous one, for that matter.

Wow.

-- CAV

If you'd like to ask a question, just type it into the box at the upper right labeled, "Ask Uncle Gus."

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The Fruits of Injustice

Thomas Sowell writes a brilliant column titled, "Cheering Immaturity," which is a succinct indictment of injustice for its role in many social ills and for preventing many from seeing how to cure them.

[I]f prices are higher in high-crime neighborhoods, that is often blamed on those who charge those prices, rather than on those who create the higher costs of higher rates of shoplifting, robbery, vandalism and riots, which are passed on to those who shop in those neighborhoods. The prices [are used to] convey a reality that the prices did not create. If these prices represent simply "greed" for higher profits, then why do most profit-seeking businesses avoid high-crime neighborhoods like the plague?
How many rabble-rousing "community organizers" out there have fomented anger about such problems as "price gouging" or "under-served" neighborhoods, only to misdirect it against people trying to make an honest living en route to demanding even more of the cause in the form of government-sanctioned theft? Being unable to buy things close to home at reasonable prices is a big problem, especially for the poor.

Blaming the gangsters who cause such problems would be a great start in the direction of actually solving that problem. In addition, helping those who achieve -- despite the setbacks life hands to them -- realize they do deserve the good things they get is also important.

-- CAV

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The Argument from Peer Review?

>> Monday, August 09, 2010

The characteristic that sets the government apart from all other social institutions is its ability to legally wield force against private citizens. This is the retaliatory force of self-defense delegated by individuals to the government and is properly used by the government only to protect their rights. Today, there is massive confusion about the nature of individual rights and the proper purpose of government, which results in the government failing to do many things that it should and undertaking many things it should not. Either of these would be bad enough, but we have both situations and we suffer further from their unintended effects.

As an example of all of these ills, take academic research. Our government constantly violates our property rights by taxation (and by other methods of mass theft, such as the creation of fiat currency to raid our savings) -- rather than protecting those rights. Our government is in the business of running a massive, bureaucratized educational system -- a task which is well beyond its proper scope. Finally, our government ends up creating orthodoxies in many academic fields as just one unfortunate result of the first two failures.

How? In a mixed economy, the government holds vast amounts of loot to dole out to academic researchers (and can threaten to take even more). This taking and distribution the government must attempt to justify to the various other pressure groups to whom such a distribution will be seen as a threat, either in the form of less in the government trough or more from their own pockets. Since there is no way for government officials to understand every area of research well enough to allocate such funds to the best researchers, they must rely on the word of those with the best reputations in their fields. This plainly sets up a cadre of people in each field as arbiters of funding allocation and this is a disaster, regardless of the merit of their work, for it incentivizes more work within their established theories, discourages work that challenges it, and isolates the dissident worker even more than he otherwise would be from his peers.

And, when the answer to a specialized question improperly comes to bear on some proposed government policy, as with the question of whether there is global warming due to human activity, the problem grows even worse! To cut to the chase, the question of whether the government should regulate an activity that causes no immediate danger to others is one of political philosophy. Certainly, the government should prevent us from performing activities that harm others, but whether we are all going to die or suffer any time soon is not the focus of the debate over the political agenda associated with the theory of man-made global warming. That debate is (improperly) centered on how the government will confiscate our property and control our use of what it does not take, with the worst-case, possible answer to a controversial scientific question being used to justify as much such confiscation and control as possible.

Among the results of such massive confusion have been (1) laymen arguing themselves blue in the face about the answer to a question they are not really qualified to answer (although they are certainly entitled to form an opinion one way or the other), when this isn't really the issue at stake anyway; and (2) certain scientists and their political allies using an alleged "consensus" on the same scientific question, as a rhetorical battering ram against anyone who opposed such vast (and illegitimate) government power.

With this milieu of confusion as our backdrop, enter Brendan O'Neill of Spiked, who discusses a peculiar version of the Argument from Authority. Much of this will sound familiar to any target of the global warming "consensus," but the form and versatility of the argument he outlines might take anyone not forewarned by surprise.

According to O'Neill, Kate Pickett and Richard Wilkinson, authors of The Spirit Level, a book which argues that societies that are "equal" "do better" than "unequal" ones:

... have imposed an extraordinary condition on future debate about their book. Because much of the criticism of The Spirit Level has consisted of "unsubstantiated claims made for political purposes" (in their view), "all future debate should take place in peer-reviewed journals", they decree.

Wow. In one fell swoop they have painted any criticism of their book that appears in non-peer-reviewed journals as somehow illegitimate. They snootily say that "none of [the] critiques are peer-reviewed" and announce that from now on they'll only engage in discussions that "take place in peer-reviewed journals". So any peep of a critique that appears in a newspaper, a book published by a publishing house that doesn't do peer review, a non-academic magazine, an online magazine, a blog or a radio show -- never mind those criticisms aired in sweaty seminar rooms, bars or on park benches -- is unworthy because it hasn't been stamped with that modern-day mark of decency, that indicator of seriousness, that licence which proves you're a Person Worth Listening To: the two magic words "Peer Reviewed." [minor format edits]
First, on reading Pickett and Wilkinson's "decree," linked above, I recalled how the confusion of the AGW debate would often could cause laymen against AGW (the political agenda) to look askance (not completely without justification) at results that supported AGW (the scientific hypothesis). In that light, I can understand why Pickett and Wilkinson, as people who, arguendo, have unearthed some unsettling statistical relationships, would tire of answering ill-founded objections to their economic or statistical analyses and could legitimately decide to pick their battles. At the same time, the facts remain that (1) their arguments probably will be used to justify statism, given the intellectual confusion of our day; and (2) part or all of what they argue may be wrong, but beyond many laymen to refute. I have not read this book, but it could well be that Pickett and Wilkinson themselves are leftists and are indeed using this book for that very purpose. One way or the other, O'Neill does raise a good point: Laymen are entitled to their own opinions, and in fields dominated by state-entrenched orthodoxies, they might be better off ignoring those orthodoxies. (That said, we would all be better off insisting on a following a proper philosophical hierarchy in debates about political philosophy.)

But that brings me to my second point: Laymen might be better off ignoring certain schools of thought as state-entrenched orthodoxies, but it does not follow that every predominant school of thought or methodology is necessarily such an orthodoxy, or that objectivity has become extinct in every academic field. Suppose, buried among Pickett and Wilkinson's statistics are data about crime rates and poverty that, properly interpreted, actually illustrate some great evil of the redistributionist state. Wouldn't peer review supporting such a point actually make it better-established and thus more useful to advocates of capitalism? Might such an analysis be beyond the training or knowledge of most laymen, and thus unavailable to us? There is a great danger in populist, anti-academic rhetoric, such as O'Neill's term "gatekeepers," that a fallacy equally dangerous to laymen as blind trust in "experts" -- blanket condemnation of "gatekeepers" -- can arise. That, too, is to be avoided and to be shot down by whomever can detect it whenever it arises.

And thus we see one of the great tragic, unintended consequences of government funding of academic research. The job of the intellectual whose specialty is in an area requiring special knowledge not usually available to laymen has become much harder. Peer review, which is properly a check for objectivity, has been compromised and its value (when properly performed) increasingly forgotten. Maverick academics of all stripes are more likely to treated as charlatans by established academics and as heroes by laymen in certain areas, when objective peer review could separate the former from the latter more reliably and more quickly.

Conversely, the layman is left more on his own than ever before.

-- CAV

Updates

Today
: Note: There appear to be Blogger problems. My comments get posted, then disappear. Once the problem is fixed, my comment(s) should appear here and, if necessary, I will remove repeated postings of my comments.

8-10-10: The comment problem seems to be a new, but poorly-implemented anti-spam filter that deletes comments with hyperlinks or even URLs within them. I hope this is just a bug and not a new "feature" as I find having links within comments useful, but only time will tell.

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8-7-10 Hodgepodge

>> Saturday, August 07, 2010

Less is more.

With this post, my long-running series of (not always that terribly) "Quick Roundup" posts officially comes to an end at 552 installments, or nearly a quarter of all the posts for this blog. I often had fun with them, but in order to have more time for writing other things, I experimented last week with allowing myself to do less work for more posts.

I am happy with the results, and so will confine myself to perhaps one grab-bag type of post near the end of each week. I expect these to differ in character from the old roundup posts, hence the new name.

And now, it's time to clear my Firefox tabs...

Schwartz on Writing

Burgess Laughlin wrote a nice review a little while back of Peter Schwartz's lectures on "The Writing Process."

Niche Blogs

The list of blogs about the English language includes one of my favorites, Lowercase L. Useless Fliers is also pretty amusing.

"The Confidence Song"

(Possibly NSFW, but then again, why are you listening to music at work?)

Lots of people try to fake it.


What a screamer!

-- CAV

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