Two Good Ones on Iran
Saturday, April 15, 2006
First, via Thrutch, there is an outstanding article in the Jerusalem Post on the threat posed by Iran and what the United States must do about it. The article does what no one in the American media has done to my knowledge: It hold our President accountable for his stated objectives in this war versus his record so far. The article (1) reminds us of our President's own words, (2) examines the case of North Korea to find his actions so far wanting, (3) notes that the stakes are much higher with Iran, and (4) raises a question for our Commander-in-Chief. Excerpts pertaining to each of these points are, in turn:
(1) At his January 2002 State of the Union address, the president declared that the regimes of Iran, North Korea and Iraq comprised an axis of evil and a central goal ... of the US-led war was to prevent them from acquiring or maintaining arsenals of weapons of mass destruction.If there is a flaw in this article, it is that it seems to agree with Bush that "the most crucial goal" of the current war is to prevent rogue states from acquiring WMDs. While this is undeniably important, it is not the only (or even the primary) reason we should depose the regime in Iran. On that matter, Robert Tracinski of TIA daily weighs in.
If we accept Bush's definition of the aims of the war, then five years on, the inescapable conclusion is that the US and its allies, such as they are, are losing this war and losing it badly. Iraq's arsenal of weapons of mass destruction was not captured by US forces who heroically brought down Saddam Hussein's regime three years ago this week. It vanished before they arrived.
(2) As for North Korea, 10 months after Bush labeled the Stalinist regime in Pyongyang a member of the axis of evil, North Korea announced that it had systematically breached its 1994 agreement with the US not to develop a nuclear arsenal and had harvested plutonium from some 8,000 spent fuel rods at its Russian-built Yangbon reactor. Immediately after the North Koreans admitted their duplicity, the US acknowledged that China, Russia and Pakistan had all actively assisted North Korea in developing its nuclear weapons program behind America's back.
So Bush was being played for a fool. A year after the September 11 attacks, America learned that neither its enemies nor its purported allies took Washington's war goals seriously. North Korea thumbed its nose at Bush, and Pakistan, China and Russia willfully betrayed him.
The Bush administration reacted to the ruin of its Asian strategy by pretending that it hadn't failed. Colin Powell, Condoleezza Rice and other top administration officials lauded Pakistan for its commitment to preventing North Korea from acquiring nuclear capabilities even as it became public knowledge that Islamabad had transferred centrifuges for uranium enrichment to the North Koreans. They said that China and Russia both knew that a nuclear-armed North Korea was inimical to their national interests and to global security even as neither Beijing nor Moscow expressed the slightest regret for their assistance to North Korea's nuclear program and gave no pledge to cease that assistance.
(3) To date, the US's official policy for contending with Iran is to seek redress in the UN Security Council. That is, the US has placed the responsibility for meeting what it has itself admitted is the greatest threat to global security in the hands of nations that do not share its assessment of Iran. By seeking Security Council action on Iran, the US has delegated the power for contending with the Iranian nuclear threat to China and Russia which have both assisted Iran in developing its nuclear and ballistic missile programs.
Like its policy towards North Korea, the US's policy towards Iran serves not to thwart Teheran's nuclear aspirations but to facilitate them. It serves not to expand America's options for contending with this grave and gathering threat to its national security and global interests, but to limit them.
(4) This week Teheran threw down the gauntlet. The greatest battle of this war - the battle to prevent the world's most dangerous regime from attaining the most dangerous weapons known to man - has begun. The moment has arrived for President George W. Bush to make clear if he is, in the final analysis, the leader of the free world or its undertaker. [numbers and bold added]
For the past week, newspapers and magazines have been filled with discussion of possible military action against Iran. The debate, so far, is between those who merely want to "threaten" the use of force, and those who argue that the Iranian threat is illusory. No one is yet willing to face the fact that Iran is already at war with the United States -- and that Iran is the central enemy we have to defeat if we are going to win the War on Terrorism. [bold added]And if the central reason for fighting Iran is that it is the lynchpin of the Islamic Totalitarian axis in the current war, that fact affects our goals as well.
A war with Iran must begin with the destruction of its nuclear facilities, but it must not end there. Iran is likely to respond to any American attack by escalating, inciting an uprising in Southern Iraq, unleashing a wave of terrorist attacks, launching missiles against US targets in the Middle East, attacking oil tankers in the Persian Gulf. And even if we neutralize all of these threats, Iran's theocrats will not drop their global ambitions. They will merely wait for our attention to wander and attempt to strike us again. The goal of a war against Iran must be to topple the Iranian regime -- and to support the rise of a new government formed by the secularist dissidents who now languish in Iran's prisons.Both articles are must-reads.
The wars we have fought so far, against the Taliban in Afghanistan and the Baathist regime in Iraq -- were necessary, but they left the largest, most dangerous Islamist regime untouched. The Iranians know it. Sensing American weakness, they are moving against us on all fronts -- and any further delay in pushing them back will only make the task more difficult. We have to act -- and we have to act now.
There can be no victory in the War on Terrorism until we confront -- and defeat -- the Islamic Republic of Iran. This is the real war, and it's time we started fighting it. [bold added]
-- CAV
4 comments:
Tracinski makes his points but in my opinion he commits the same errors that Nick Provenzo accuses him of; namely endorsing some measure of alturistic nation building. For example this comment:
"...and to support the rise of a new government formed by the secularist dissidents who now languish in Iran's prisons..."
I have strong doubts that the Iranian middle class and the so-called student uprising would want a Western style government the way we envision it. If this pro-Western movement was so strong why are the Mullah's still in power? Provenzo accused Trancinski of being uncomfortable with egoism. Here is more evidence that he is. Why not say we should bomb Iran back to the stone age and leave it at that. Just leave the sword of Damacles hanging over their collective heads when we leave by letting them know that if we are forced to return we will do to them what Rome did to Carthage.
I know that this is impossible given the culture but shouldn't an Objectivist be arguing this. Yaron Brook certainly does. I continue to be dissapointed by Tracinski.
G. Davis
G.,
I'm glad you posed this question as it helped some of my own thoughts on this matter gel.
While I cannot speak for Tracinski, I would not necessarily equate the notion of supporting those who might not want a theocratic regime with altruistic nation-building. I think this remark (and related), from a couple of years ago, is a better gauge of his thinking on that topic.
"September 11 demonstrated that it is necessary to topple and destroy the Middle Eastern regimes that use terrorism as a weapon against the West--the principle behind the Bush Doctrine. The administration has applied that doctrine to two regimes, and they deserve credit for it. But even that is not enough, over the long term. Even if our leaders applied the Bush doctrine consistently (against Iran and Syria, for example) and backed it up with the maximum force available, that would still leave the question: then what? What would prevent the re-emergence of new terrorist regimes to replace the old ones?
The only long-term answer is that the Arab and Muslim worlds must be civilized [emphasis added]. They must have imposed on them a better system of government, one that allows, for the first time in the Arab world, the material vibrancy of a relatively free economy and the spiritual vibrancy of the free exchange of ideas. This would do exactly what the clashing examples of East Berlin and West Berlin did in the Cold War: it would provide an unanswerable demonstration of the benefits of a free society on one side, contrasted to misery and oppression on the other side."
In my own opinion, the best way to do this would be to govern parts of the Arab world as we did Germany and Japan after WWII (and not as we are doing in Iraq now). Tracinski may or may not agree with me on that point.
Having said all of that, if it would be impossible in our culture to make such an argument as you give (and still be listened to), should we not at least advocate, in this situation, what our culture is most likely to be able to do?
This is not a very easy question to answer and it pertains to the very nature of intellectual activism, which aims to see Objectivist ideas put into practice.
Ultimately, of course, our goal has to be a sea change in the fundamental direction our culture is going, philosophically. But on what issues should one be willing to strive for concrete actions now? Clearly, on certain matters of life-and death importance, such as Iran being able to get nuclear weapons. This still leaves open the question of how best to achieve what we'd be able to get....
An objection I have to the "Kerry Objectivist" side as I called it in the second link above is that to say nothing on the current crisis -- because our advocacy of the kind of measures we'd likely be able to get -- is that we run the real risk of having something very bad militarily or culturally before we would be able to change the culture -- that would render intellectual activism essentially impossible.
The objection I gather they have towards what I have heard called the "TIA Axis" is that attempts like this to at least attain what is still possible in our cultural circumstances are somehow selling out Objectivist principles.
Let's set aside Tracinski's article and ask this question. "If we won't get total annihilation of Iran, should we just sit back and say nothing while they develop nukes if we could at least swing the public debate in favor of bombing the nuke plants?" Obviously not.
Intellectual activism of this sort would be most akin to the ad hoc political alliances Ayn Rand spoke of, and it would carry with it the same need to be scrupulously clear about what parts of an agenda one supports. If Tracinski can be blamed for anything in this piece, it would be for not making it clear enough that he does not support what we have done in Iraq and Afghanistan (e.g., allow sharia to become part of civil law).
That's my $0.02 so far. It's a complicated topic on which many Objectivists have differing opinions.
Gus
"This is not a very easy question to answer and it pertains to the very nature of intellectual activism, which aims to see Objectivist ideas put into practice."
I agree. This does come down to a quesion of how best to proceed with intellectual activism. I agree with Nick Provenzo here in that Objectivists should argue for a fully consistent, egoistic, non self-sacrificial foreign policy no matter how unpopular it is. For example, if you did not know of Objectivism and you read one of Tracinski's columns would it sound that different from some hawkish neo-cons? But if you heard Yaron Brook's morality of war speech, you would know you were dealing with something totally different. I feel that is the better approach.
As for the Objectivists for Kerry approach, I do disagree with that. As bad as Bush is he is better than Kerry. Bush is abysmally bad but the Left is abysmally worse. We should vote for the lesser of two evils. But Tracinski and most definitely Wakeland think Bush is admirable and that his strategies are "essentially correct" and only "applied too weakly". With this I disagree.
I asked Dr. Brook about TIA at one of his lectures during the Q and A and he wondered if some elements of altruism hadn't slipped into the premises of Trancinski and Wakeland. Also, Dr. John Lewis registered an adament disagreement with Trancinski on HBL. I wouldn't care if Tracinski said something like "we should reign fiery destruction on our enemies but since that isn't possible then let's support whatever we can get no matter how pathetically weak it is." But that is not what Tracinski says. Even further he went out of his way through Wakeland's piece on treason to insult those more hawkish Objectivists. This is why I say that I am dissapointed with the man. In fact, I intend to let my print subscription run out as I see it as basically useless not to mention that it is woefully behind schedule.
Lastly, here is political commentary that I like:
http://www.the-undercurrent.com/index.php?p=/000105.html
and:
http://forums.4aynrandfans.com/index.php?showtopic=1200
Notice what John Lewis has to say about nation building and compare it to Tracinski.
G. Davis
G.,
Thanks agains for stopping by. Won't thoroughly read the pieces you link to until later, but I will say a couple of things now.
(1) I don't necessarily agree that we should always "vote for the lesser of two evils", if that is what you were really saying. Sometimes, not voting at all is preferable. I did that in Bush vs Gore.
I would also add that voting for someone is not necessarily the same as supporting him.
(2) Your further comments on Tracinski's views help me understand further where the controversy is coming from. It is going to be interesting, to say the least, to see this come to a head. (I will eventually subscribe to HBL, but do not at the moment. Blame financial uncertainty and a current lack of control of my schedule due to job concerns.)
(3) On Wakeland, I have to agree that his piece on treason was disappointing, at the very least in his choice of words. (I gave my initial impressions on it in a link above, "Objectivists and Bush"). I had hoped for at least some explanation by now one way or the other -- an apology or explanation if he did not mean to insult the other faction, or a more thorough explanation of why he felt it necessary to use the term. Furthermore, he at one point attributed our not having been attacked since 2001 to the GWoT. Based on what? We're in the middle of a war. We'll get some licks in, and so will they. We're almost certain to be attacked again before it's all said and done, wehther we win or lose.
I have understood for a long time that there has been a difference of opinion on how best to affect the political debate, but I have never felt the need to use "fighting words" with those Objectivists I have disagreed with.
Gus
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